Archaeology of Gatherings Conference | Institute of Technology, Sligo, Ireland | October 2013 | Part II
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The continuing saga of the Archaeology
of Gatherings Conference, held in Sligo, in October 2013.
Modern horse fair (Source) |
The primary evidence of the Óenach Loch Gille is the Early Medieval life of St Cealach of
Killalla. It is the reputed burial place of Eógan Bél mac Cellaig, an early
historic king of Connacht. In one version of his story, Eógan Bél’s body was
disinterred by the Uí Néill and reburied ‘mouth downwards’. The site of this Óenach has ben identified as the townlands of Formoyle and Deerpark
on the north shore of Lough Gill. The site is flanked by two further small
lakes: Colghagh Lake and Lough Anelteen (The Lake of the Hinds). In terms of
being part of a funerary landscape, Formoyle contains the largest court tomb in Ireland, along with one other wedge tomb. Other archaeological sites in the
vicinity include a cashel and a souterrain. The name ‘Formoyle’ also signifies
that these lands were hunting grounds. This Óenach was originally in Calraige Tuadh. Before 1173 this belonged to
the Uí Ruairc, as part of their over-kingdom of
Uí Briuin Bréifne. After the arrival of the
Anglo-Normans the political structure collapsed and Uí Briuin Bréifne contracted, leading to Calraige becoming a contested
landscape and a battle ground for the Lordships of Upper Connacht. FitzPatrick
noted a late 16th century Praise Poem that anachronistically describes O’Rourke
as the ‘King of Calraige’, even though he was now just a Lord and Calraige was
not part of his lands. FitzPatrick argued that, although cut off from their
ancient Óenach for over 400 years, the site
retained a deep significance to the Uí Ruairc and
remained contested.
Note: this paper is based on: FitzPatrick, E. 2013 'Formaoil na Fiann: hunting preserves and assembly places in Gaelic Ireland' Proceedings of Harvard Celtic Colloquium 32, 95-118.
Note: this paper is based on: FitzPatrick, E. 2013 'Formaoil na Fiann: hunting preserves and assembly places in Gaelic Ireland' Proceedings of Harvard Celtic Colloquium 32, 95-118.
Members of the Orange Order on parade in East Belfast 2012 (Source) |
Bryan presented a rather
complicated-looking Venn diagram representing an abstraction of how he sees Belfast
in the 1960s. During this period there was Unionist hegemony, with strong
relations and overlap between Unionism and the ‘Civic’ sphere, against
Nationalism and other spheres. Even at this point some activities (such as
Bonfires on the night of the 11th of July) were considered problematic for the ‘Civic’
sphere. Similarly, for Irish Nationalism parades and the display of the Irish
tricolour were held outside the central Civic space and were allowed. By the
1970 there was a re-emergence of the IRA and UDA terrorist organisations, both
of which used parades as a means of showing strength and political identity.
Throughout this period there was significant use of the politicisation of
terrorist funerals by both sides, though Bryan stressed that this aspect needed
much more study. Taken together, he sees the 1970s as a period where there was
a significant diminution in the ‘Civic’ sphere, with corresponding increases in
both the Unionist and Nationalist spheres of influence. Bryan sees the peace
process of 2007 and onwards as a drive to create a viable shared space. Part of
this has been achieved by using the ideas of multiculturalism to build what he
terms a ‘fake consensus’. Bryan argues that these rituals are important in
Northern Ireland as participation in them influences Civic identities. As an
artefact of this, it is the ability to participate in these rituals is defined
by the control of public space. That power to control has shifted radically
over the last 50 years. There are still problem areas, including the role of
11th night bonfires. These have been pushed out of the ‘Civic’ sphere, partly
due to the traditional lawlessness of these working class celebrations. His
conclusion is that for peace in Northern Ireland we need safer and more
cosmopolitan spaces. Indeed, for peace to grow anywhere we need managed civic spaces
that can accommodate manifestly different identities. Essentially – a shared
city is a peaceful city!
25th Punjabis at the Delhi Durbar, 1911 (Source) |
The Durbar was, essentially, an
invention of the Delhi Viceroys. These were lavish events that lasted from two
to four weeks, and consisted of military reviews, parades etc. The 1877 Durbar was the brainchild of Benjamin Disraeli and
Viceroy Lytton. However, the monarch was not present at the event, nor at the
1903 Durbar. It was only at the very last Durbar in 1911, that the monarch –
King George V accompanied by Queen Mary – was present. The traditional Durbar
was a reciprocal event between the ruler and the ruled, while this colonial
incarnation was very much about the ruler above the ruled. To reinforce the
imperial message, Indians attending the event were required to wear ‘native
costume’ and there was a push towards more elaborate, colourful costumes,
underlining the ‘otherness’ of the native population. He noted that in the 1830s the Madras Army
essentially mimicked European uniform styles, but as a result of the influence
of the 1877 Durbar, they began to take on more ‘native’ elements. – this can be
easily seen in the images that accompany the Wiki article. Tyson Smith
eloquently put the case that there was a strong ideological message here of
unity created out of diversity. While the populace may have been ‘dazzled by
Lytton’s bunting’, it was very much intended as an expression of the power and
might of the Empire. Where he sees a difference between the two events it is
that the Presentation of Inu was conducted at the seat of colonial power, while
the Durbar was held within the colony. Tyson Smith noted that one long-lasting
result of promotion of elaborate faux-native costumes – often made from
imported British textiles – was Ghandi’s association with homespun Khādī cloth.
View of the Warsaw Ghetto (Source) |
Ghettoisation – what Dixon refers
to as ‘Terror Zone 1’ – was essentially an exercise in urban planning and
population control. It was also the first step in the ‘forced gathering’ and in
the mechanics of genocide. The purposely manufactured locations selected for
ghettos were strategically placed close to key rail lines and deliberately made
use of sub-standard housing. These walled-in enclaves were consciously hidden
from the cities they were part of. Dixon notes that these urban slums stand in
stark contrast with the grand monumentality favoured by Hitler, his architect
Albert Speer, and the Nazi regime generally.
Today the walls surrounding ghettos, such as Kraków and Warsaw, have
been reintegrated into their modern cities. Dixon noted that many sections of
walling are now in playgrounds and parks. While some have associated memorials,
many languish (in Dixon’s lovely turn of phrase), in ‘quiet disrepair, tending towards
invisibility’. As part of the planned deportation (Terror Zone 2) some three
million Jews were transported to death camps. There was an obvious correlation
between the systems of killing and deportation, and the transport
infrastructure was a key component in this. Much of the transport was organised
by Deutsche Reichsbahn, the State railway, and many camps were equipped with
their own railway platforms. During this time there was an enhanced use of
propaganda tools – on both the Jewish people and the remaining German populace
– to spread the view that the transportations were to bring people to ‘safety
and work’ in the east. Together, these actions and conditions ensured that the
deported Jewish population – alongside all the others deemed undesirable – were
forced into liminality, marginalised, and dehumanised. Dixon makes the
interesting point that even language changes during the deportation process as
euphemism is used to dehumanise and people become referred to as simply as
‘cargo’. Arrival at death camps was the fate of the majority of the deported.
Dixon describes the network of industrialised camps and their associated
terrors as a ‘Landscape of Violence’. Successive archaeological, geophysical,
anthropological, and memory-led investigations have illustrated the nature and
reality of these camps. Dealing with the dead and the acute awareness of
cultural sensitivities around the lives lost at these camps has led to a policy
of minimal interference. However, large collections of personal items remain,
as do the physical locations of execution and murder, such as the gas chambers,
that allow study and analysis. Other sources of evidence are the recorded
memory narratives of survivors, though living testimonials are becoming rarer
with the passing years. Finally, Dixon briefly examined the legacy of art and
memorials – many simple, elegant testimonials to those who perished in a time
of violence and barbarity as part of these forced gatherings.
After a light lunch, the
conference goers were entertained by Simon O’Dwyer of Ancient Music Ireland
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